Wednesday, November 23, 2011

In the port town of Vizag for a soiree of the sun-and-sand kind…

IIPM Mumbai Campus

Port of pleasure

Name a beach in India. Go on, admit it: some Goan beaches would have been on the top-of-the-mind even though you may not have named it. And those of you, who considered consulting Google for an answer, welcome to the club. The quest for a healthy dose of pure unadulterated sunshine and the desire to witness some sand-sea bonhomie led me to the east coast of our country. I was headed for Vizag.

Visakhapatnam or Vizag was one of the first places along the coast where the French and later the British set up shops, as this region was known for its natural port. The sea is unnaturally deep out here as the continental shelf (Google tells me) suddenly falls, allowing heavy vessels and ships to come really close to the port.

Today, Visakhapatnam is a moderately crowded place and as I winded through the streets I traced the footsteps of many a tourist who had walked these pathways before me. The rental car meant to take me around had not yet arrived at the hotel, so I thought of checking out one of the testimonials of local creativity: sandalwood sculptures. Exceptionally beautiful, these handicraft sculptures had a kind of finesse which… My phone rang and it was the receptionist from the hotel lobby telling me that my car had arrived. I was soon taken to the Ramakrishna Beach, one of the most popular beaches in the city. Just in time for that magical-every-time moment of the setting sun, there was quite a crowd on the beach – some seated, some sauntering. The sun hanging low on the horizon and the silhouettes of the strollers made the scene surreal.

The next day, Borra Caves was first on the itinerary. Deep in the heart of the earth – the deepest in India – are these breathtaking natural formations lit up in many colours by artificial lights, giving the place an extra-terrestrial feel. After the cavernous affair, I emerged fully exhausted but overwhelmed by the natural heritage of this land. Recently modernised by the Tourist Dept. of Andhra Pradesh, the caves also house a temple for Lord Shiva after a structure resembling the Lingam, or the phallic symbol of the deity.

On the Vizag-Bhimli Beach Road is the Tenneti Park, and that, arguably – however, much I know I’m not exaggerating – is the most beautiful place in all of Vizag. At sunrise, the air is filled with a mystical mist and the ocean turns orange. It’s a true spectacle of nature and is one of the sharpest memories I have of Vizag.

Other locations that must not be missed when you are in the port town of Visakhapatnam are Araku Valley, Kailasagiri and Simhachalam. Be it trekking through caves or sitting and watching the sun set over the horizon, the ‘Goa of the East Coast’ as Vizag is also known, will not disappoint.

For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles.
IIPM ranks No 1 in International Exposure in the 'Third Mail Today B-School Survey'
Management Guru Arindam Chaudhuri Dean Business School IIPM
IIPM Excom Prof Rajita Chaudhuri
Kapil Sibal’s voters want Jan Lokpal, not Government-proposed Lokpal Bill
IIPM: What is E-PAT?
"Thorns to Competition" amongst the top 10 best sellers of the week.
IIPM RANKED NO.1 in MAIL TODAY B-SCHOOL RANKINGS
'Thorns to Competition' - You can order your copy online from here

Sunday, November 20, 2011

Revolts in Europe have deep links with socialist movements

IIPM: What is E-PAT?

Why Karl Marx was right

2010 has been quite challenging for the European policy makers. European states including Greece, UK, France, Italy, Spain, Germany, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, Lithuania and many more have been blazing due to incessant strikes one after the other. Starting from June 2010 to September 2010, each day was hectic for the state police trying to control agitations on streets led by different labour unions demanding wage increase, reforms in pension schemes and working conditions. Although these incidents seem apparently discreet, they have deep links with the socialist structure and mark the beginning of a full-fledged social movement.

German philosopher, sociologist and historian Karl Marx envisioned a new economic system, the foundation of which was to be dictatorship of the proletariats – the larger section of the society – and the state was to be responsible for safeguarding the interests of proletariats against the bourgeoisie. This later came to be known as 'Socialism.' But history is testimony to the fact that any nation that had experimented with socialism, had somehow failed to safegaurd the interest of proletariats and often saw discreet discontentment in the form of revolt or strikes. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) imbibed socialism in 1917 through the October Revolution led by the great visionary V. I. Lenin. However, the world witnessed that the experiment failed when USSR split in 1991. There were many reasons behind the failure including wars, famine in USSR, the short life span of the leader Lenin etc. Moreover, the irony in the case of USSR was: inspite of the fact that agriculture gets special focus under socialism, USSR witnessed drastic fall in agricultural output during the socialist era. Finally, while socialism was supposed to be dictatorship of proletariats, there was dissatisfaction among them which resulted in widespread revolts across USSR. Worse was the use of police force by leaders like Stalin to suppress such revolts. Even the socialist journeys of Central and European states like Romania, Bulgaria, though quite successful, were often knocked off by incidents of dissatisfaction among citizens.

Modern Europe can be considered in the same league. European states are increasingly incorporating socialist policies with time. History shows that the entire rebuilding and reconstruction of Europe was based on Keynesian theory. A more critical observation shows that many things are changing in Europe recently. Trade unions are gradually becoming more powerful. They have more influence over policymakers unlike in India or other mixed economies. In contrast, the bargaining power of the capitalist class and their dominance is declining. In totality, there are high chances that proletariats will overthrow pro-capitalist governments and establish socialist policies in full swing. This is what Marx had prophesised centuries ago. The transformation may not be so sudden and radical as Marx had said but there are all possibilities for a drive, a change or a transition. When and how? Even Karl Marx had not given a timeline!

For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles.
IIPM ranks No 1 in International Exposure in the 'Third Mail Today B-School Survey'
Management Guru Arindam Chaudhuri Dean Business School IIPM
IIPM Excom Prof Rajita Chaudhuri
Kapil Sibal’s voters want Jan Lokpal, not Government-proposed Lokpal Bill

"Thorns to Competition" amongst the top 10 best sellers of the week.
IIPM RANKED NO.1 in MAIL TODAY B-SCHOOL RANKINGS
'Thorns to Competition' - You can order your copy online from here
IIPM Mumbai Campus

Thursday, November 17, 2011

Not just a beauty queen…

Management Guru Arindam Chaudhuri Dean Business School IIPM

What is “Turning 30” all about? What drew you toward this role?
“Turning 30” is about a girl who is turning 30. It’s a story of her trials, her tribulations, her joys and sorrows as she approaches her 30th birthday. Being an achiever, she is doing very well professionally and her life is going very well, all according to the plan. Thirty is kind of a benchmark that most people set for themselves; say by 30 we want to achieve all these things in life. She has achieved everything, but suddenly everything falls apart as she turns 30.The director came to meet me and I liked the story, premise, treatment, vision of the director, and I always appreciate real life characters as I can identify with them. Also, the movie is produced by Prakash Jha. I have always admired his work.

Ups and downs are a part of life; can you tell us of a time when you faced a crisis in your life, when you felt that your career/life wasn’t heading anywhere? How did you deal with such a situation?
I don’t consider any phase to be a ‘down’ in my life. I can’t remember a single moment when I was depressed. Being a runner, I exercise regularly, so I’m always charged with endorphins! I don’t feel depressed and despondent at all! I am somebody, who doesn’t get bogged down by things. My attitude is of someone who is ready to get up and get going. I don’t spend time thinking about the downs in my life at all. That’s why I’d say that I haven’t faced a period of depression in my life.

You were very active in sports and public speaking when in school. How did the thought of participating in beauty pageants occur to you?
Yes, I was an athlete and was very active in debates as well. I figured out that these beauty pageants were something more than just beauty. I thought I should give it a shot because it would be another feather to have in my cap. So, that’s how it happened.

Is there any advice that you’d like to give to the girls who aspire to win beauty pageants?
I think beauty with substance matters the most. So, if you’re not inherently beautiful, you can make yourself beautiful with intelligence.

So you’d say intelligence matters in these contests?
I would like to believe so! (laughs)

Share some memorable moments of the time when you were one of the contestants.
Oh, you know at that time, my excitement was all about being there and winning goody bags and so many gifts each day. Everyday we would come back and find new things on our bed, like a new camera, a pair of jeans etc. For me, all of this, plus just being on national television was very exciting.

Usually films are the next progression after beauty pageants. Is that how films happened to you?
I did television for four years before coming into films. At some level, I think, all girls want to be movie stars and beauty queens. And I had the same thought! But consciously, I never thought about it whether in school or in college. I got an opportunity to be a part of television. After that I had offers of films as well, but there was nothing that pleased me. There were roles where I had to be the hero’s girlfriend with just 5-6 scenes and that didn’t interest me. So, I chose to use my communication skills to my advantage and used that in television before graduating to films.

You have always done character-based roles and not tried out-and-out commercial Bollywood films. Why is that?
There are a lot of factors actually. First, I believe that every film is made for a commercial purpose. Every film is made to earn money. The idea of releasing a film and showing it to the audience means it’s a commercial film. Yes, some films might have a different scope and different budget, and small budget movies are meant to cater to a different audience. More than the intelligence of the script and story, I think the treatment of the film is very important. Whatever genre you make a film in, it should be real. That’s what I look for. For instance, “Rajneeti” was a film with a massive budget, but it had a ‘real’ element to it. So realism in the film is very important to me.

Which character is closest to your heart or the one which you could relate to the most?
I think Naina, my character in “Turning 30” is very versatile, aggressive and professional. Any girl in today’s age who works, has a job, is struggling, can relate to this character. So, this character has a very high identifiable quotient.

Apart from films and television, you’ve been involved in a lot of adventure. One of that is the F1 racing experience. Tell us about that…
Well, the fact that I’ve been into adventure hasn’t been a secret. And when they were looking for somebody to represent India, my name came up. I ride bikes. It was so exciting to be driving a car, which goes faster than a plane when it’s taking off! I wasn’t scared at all. Recently, I raced in a track in Chennai. It was the Volkswagen Polo Cup. All this is very exciting.

If you had to choose between adventure sports and movies as a career option, which would you pick?
Well in India, to be honest, sports do not have much potential. Films definitely have a wider scope. And it’s easier to take that up as a profession! Both are very competitive where the rule of ‘survival of the fittest works’. But, I’d say films would be my choice.

For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles.
IIPM ranks No 1 in International Exposure in the 'Third Mail Today B-School Survey'
IIPM Excom Prof Rajita Chaudhuri
Kapil Sibal’s voters want Jan Lokpal, not Government-proposed Lokpal Bill
IIPM: What is E-PAT?
"Thorns to Competition" amongst the top 10 best sellers of the week.
IIPM RANKED NO.1 in MAIL TODAY B-SCHOOL RANKINGS
'Thorns to Competition' - You can order your copy online from here
IIPM Mumbai Campus

Monday, November 14, 2011

Yamla Pagla Deewana: An enjoyable no-brainer

IIPM: What is E-PAT?

The Deol deal

The Deols reunite for a film that is all about them. Yamla Pagla DeewanaYamla Pagla Deewana is a part self-indulgent part self-deprecating effort from the trio, which aims to entertain from the beginning to the finish. The brothers in real life play bros on-screen too but they get separated when their con-man father Dharam (also their real life father Dharmendra) takes his younger son Gajodhar (Bobby Deol) and leaves their mother (Nafisa Ali). Twenty years later, the mother and elder son Paramveer (Sunny Deol) are settled in Canada, but when they hear about Dharam’s whereabouts, Paramveer travels to India to find his long-lost father and brother. Conveniently, Gajodhar is the first person he meets in Benaras, and while Dharam refuses to acknowledge Paramveer as his son, he does allow him to tag along with them once they witness his brute strength. The plot then focuses on Gajodhar’s romance with Saheba (Kulraj Randhawa), and after her five brothers assault Gajodhar and take the girl home, the trio, in DDLJ fashion, follow her to Punjab.

The brothers know what they’re good at, and so while Bobby sticks to romance, Sunny spoofs several of his own action sequences. Dharamendra as the tottering conman is good, but this is no where close to any of his best performances. Where the film provides us with several LOL moments, it also has a lot going against it. The Gajodhar-Saheba romance is a drag, the music is mostly terrible, and a lot of gags fall flat in the face. Yet, Yamla Pagla Deewana is good family fare, as long as you don’t reason too much about the happenings.

For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles.
IIPM ranks No 1 in International Exposure in the 'Third Mail Today B-School Survey'
Management Guru Arindam Chaudhuri Dean Business School IIPM
IIPM Excom Prof Rajita Chaudhuri
Kapil Sibal’s voters want Jan Lokpal, not Government-proposed Lokpal Bill

"Thorns to Competition" amongst the top 10 best sellers of the week.
IIPM RANKED NO.1 in MAIL TODAY B-SCHOOL RANKINGS
'Thorns to Competition' - You can order your copy online from here
IIPM Mumbai Campus

Friday, November 11, 2011

To mine or not to mine...

IIPM: What is E-PAT?

The government, through a new legislation, wants mining companies to share 26 per cent of their net profit with the local community. While worried miners have projected the new-profit sharing formula as an end of road for the industry, the government seems confident of making it work.

After having displayed a laggard approach on the need of a more contemporary mining policy for years, the government has recently shown great urgency in bringing out a new legislation that promises to address mining-related concerns of most stakeholders. The new proposal, 'The Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Bill, 2010', which is an amendment to the MMDR Act, 1957, and has been approved by the Union cabinet to be put before the Parliament in the forthcoming Budget session, aims to increase the benefits from mining to local communities and also open up the country’s resources to foreign and local private investment. Most interestingly, the contours of the new Bill make it mandatory for mining companies to give 26 per cent of their net profit as compensation to locals displaced by the projects. As S. Vijay Kumar, Secretary, Department of Mines, explains to TSI in an exclusive interaction, “We are trying to give enough options to the local communities by giving them a recurring financial compensation. And it's not a compensation for land, it is to empower them to do something different.”

The expansion of mining in India is a key towards maintaining the GDP and export growth of the country. While Mines minister B K Handique says that the share of mining sector to the country's GDP (between 2.5 per cent and three per cent currently), is poised to increase substantially, the current scenario of mining in India is rather disappointing. The battle between the mining companies and the people displaced by their projects have posed as a huge obstacle for the growth of Indian mining industry in the past. In this context, the question remains, can the new Bill go a long way in resolving these battles?

Going by the miners, well, it will not be as easy as it seems. As per them, they are disturbed with the new profit-sharing formula. The reason, they say, is that 26 per cent sharing is an addition to the regular corporate tax and royalties they are already paying. “While there is no denying that the interests of the tribal population have to be kept in mind, the government also needs to ensure that the industry does not get wiped off,” says R K Sharma, Secretary General of the Federation of Indian Mineral Industries (FIMI).

While the industry contests that royalty linked contribution by mining companies is the best way to deliver justice to affected people, the Mines ministry, on the other hand, has proposed that a 'District Mineral Foundation' be created and the beneficiaries be paid out the 26 per cent net profit of the mining companies from it.
The government is firm on its stand to ensure that miners give tribal and other affected sects of the population a share of the profits they make from exploiting mineral resources. However, Sharma firmly believes that appropriating a percentage of earnings will demotivate entrepreneurs. “On one hand the government says that it wants to bring tribals to the national mainstream, and on the other hand you yourself ensure that they don't,” he observes.

It is interesting that both the government and industry have raised similar concerns on this issue. Both sides recognise the need for a fresh thrust in exploration of minerals and metals in which India is deficient and depends totally on imports (such as gold, copper, nickel and platinum). Both parties also believe that mining should be carried out in a manner that does not hurt the interests of the locals or tribals. However, a consensus still eludes.

Apart from the new profit-sharing formula, there are some other facets of the proposed legislation which has the industry worried. “The Bill stipulates a payment of 26 per cent of net profit or 10 per cent as royalty, whichever is more. So, even if a company is in loss, it will still have to pay the 10 per cent royalty, above other taxes that we are already paying,” Sharma says, adding that the fresh move will only lead to illegal mining in India.

While the actual impact of the renewed Act on the mining sector in India will unfold only once it is implemented, the government is fairly confident of making the new formula work. “I agree that by giving away 26 per cent, the company’s reserves will go down, their expansion plans might be hit and I sympathise with the industry. But there is no other option, if the locals do not get 26 per cent they will not allow mining. The option here actually has to be between mining and not mining rather than expanding or not expanding,” says Kumar.

Nevertheless, the Bill offers the miners some reasons to smile as it proposes transparent and quick procedure for granting of licenses, size specifications designed to invite interest from big players with better technology and expertise, creation of a National Mining Tribunal for appeals against executive decisions et al.

The aspirations of the new draft legislation provide enough evidence of the damage caused by current mining practices. Even though FIMI's Sharma terms the Bill in its current form as “the grand obituary of the mineral resource industry in India”, Mines Secretary Kumar is very clear about his plans. “Everybody is extracting from mining areas and nobody is giving back. Even the royalty from the state governments is being used in non-mineral areas. I am paying back. Others will have to adjust,” he concludes.

With the need for changing the image of the mining industry in India gaining momentum, the government will have to strike the right balance between the social and economic demands and implications of mining in India, while ensuring that it does not pitch itself as an unattractive destination.

For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles.
IIPM ranks No 1 in International Exposure in the 'Third Mail Today B-School Survey'
Management Guru Arindam Chaudhuri Dean Business School IIPM
IIPM Excom Prof Rajita Chaudhuri
Kapil Sibal’s voters want Jan Lokpal, not Government-proposed Lokpal Bill

"Thorns to Competition" amongst the top 10 best sellers of the week.
IIPM RANKED NO.1 in MAIL TODAY B-SCHOOL RANKINGS
'Thorns to Competition' - You can order your copy online from here
IIPM Mumbai Campus

Tuesday, November 08, 2011

The appointment of an 'outsider' as head of Deoband's Darul Uloom sparks a debate in one of Islam's leading centres of learning

The man from gujarat

An air of discontent hangs over Darul Uloom (literally meaning a house of learning) in Deoband, Uttar Pradesh. An 'outsider' has been appointed mohtamim (rector) of the famed Islamic institution and a section of clerics is openly articulating its concerns over the 'negative' implications of the move.

The new appointment was necessitated due to the demise on December 8, 2010 of the seminary's mohtamim, Maulana Marghoob-ur-Rahman, an eminent Islamic scholar. On January 10, the executive council of the institution named Maulana Ghulam Mohammad Ismail Vastanvi, a Gujarati businessman and cleric, as the new rector.

The mohtamim wields great authority over the institution and considerable influence over the community. Thus the post is of great political and social significance. This is, incidentally, only the second time in independent India that Darul Uloom has witnessed a change of guard. The institution was established in 1866.
The controversy surrounding Maulana Vastanvi's appointment is a case of history repeating itself. In 1982, during Indira Gandhi's reign, the then rector Maulana Qari Mohd Tayyab Deobandi had to make way for Maulana Marghoob-ur-Rehman when he opposed the executive council's decision to declare Darul Uloom a 'cultural and secular' seat of learning.

Dr Obaid Iqbal Asim of Deoband describes Maulana Vastanvi's appointment as a “decision taken in great haste”. He says: “Every institution has its own character. Darul Uloom is no exception. All the previous rectors had been Qasmis (graduates of Darul Uloom). They had an intrinsic understanding of the institution's ways. Maulana Vastanvi is a non-Qasmi. It will be difficult for him to grasp the basic character of Darul Uloom.”

Dr Asim alleges that money played an important role in this decision. “The strong financial position of Maulana Vastanvi influenced the move,” he says. “Members of the executive council might have thought that Maulana Vastanvi could bring more money to the Darul Uloom.”

A senior Darul Uloom cleric, on condition of anonymity, says: “Ours is not a mere educational institution. It represents an entire school of thought. It should be headed by someone who is deeply immersed in its ethos.” This cleric's worry is that Maulana Vastanvi's liberal outlook might be at odds with Darul Uloom's core principles. He, too, suspects that Vastanvi's money power swayed the executive council.

Dr Asim minces no words. “It is against the basic tenets of Darul Uloom to look towards rich people to run the institution. It was established with public contributions. One very important principle that Hazrat Nanautavi proposed for Darul Uloom was trust in Allah and the support of the people, no matter how poor they might be.”

A member of Jamiat-e-Ulema Hind raises another issue. He says: “Maulana Vastanvi is a busy man. He runs Jamia Islamia Ishatul Uloom, Akalkuan, Maharashtra, 20 BUMS and engineering colleges and 15 educational institutions for women. Moreover, he belongs to Gujarat. He might not be able to devote enough time to Darul Uloom.”

Maulana Vastanvi's political connections are well known. On the way back to Gujarat after being elected the mohtamim of Darul Uloom, he met senior politician Haji Shahid Akhlaq in Meerut and a veteran Congress leader in Delhi. There can be no denying that there is deep-rooted support for him within the community as well as in the political establishment.

Indeed, Maulana Vastanvi's appointment is being hailed in certain quarters. Says Badar Kazmi, vice president of Majlis Amal: “Those that are criticising the decision are people who want to use Darul Uloom for their political ends.”

Kazmi says: “Maulana Vastanvi is a graduate from Mazahirul Uloom of Saharanpur, which is an important institution of the Deobandi school of thought. He has also been a member of the executive council of Darul Uloom for ten years. So he knows the institution very well.”

Kazmi emphasises that Maulana Vastanvi has the vision and resources to establish modern educational institutions without distorting the historical and religious character of Darul Uloom. The executive council might have kept this in mind while electing him.”

He adds: “This decision has sparked new hope among students and staff members. In the next ten years, we will witness revolutionary changes in Darul Uloom.”

Despite the fact that the newly elected rector is a businessman with a strong financial base and also enjoys close proximity with several senior politicians, the sailing was not as smooth as expected. Fourteen of the 17 members of the executive council were present during the meeting. Only eight members were in Maulana Vastanvi's favour.

It is being said that the presence of three members and particularly of Maulana Raabe Hasani Nadvi would have changed the situation. One group feels that in that situation the scales would have tilted in favour of Maulana Arshad Madni. The general mood in Deoband is in favour of Maulana Madni, who is widely respected by students and the staff. He also happens to be a relative of the new rector.

The transition hasn't been smooth. Hence Maulana Vastanvi will be under pressure to dispel the misgivings about him, especially those that link his appointment to his wealth. Not only will he have to live up to the financial expectations – the annual budget approved for this financial year by the executive council is Rs 17.79 crore – he will also have to work doubly hard to prove that he possesses other more crucial credentials for the job.

For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles.
IIPM ranks No 1 in International Exposure in the 'Third Mail Today B-School Survey'
Management Guru Arindam Chaudhuri Dean Business School IIPM
IIPM Excom Prof Rajita Chaudhuri
Kapil Sibal’s voters want Jan Lokpal, not Government-proposed Lokpal Bill
IIPM: What is E-PAT?
"Thorns to Competition" amongst the top 10 best sellers of the week.
IIPM RANKED NO.1 in MAIL TODAY B-SCHOOL RANKINGS
'Thorns to Competition' - You can order your copy online from here
IIPM Mumbai Campus

Saturday, November 05, 2011

Coffee, served dark: The stunning natural beauty of Coorg hides a shocking truth.

IIPM Mumbai Campus

In its sprawling coffee plantations, over 50,000 bonded labourers are trapped in a system of slavery reminiscent of pre-Civil War America

Coorg, nestled in the Western Ghats, has produced great military strategists like KM Cariappa and KS Thimmaiah as well as brave soldiers for the Indian Army. But the treatment that the coffee growers of the area are doling out to their labour force isn't something that the native Kodavas can be proud of.

In Coorg, workers, mainly tribals, are bought and sold like cattle by coffee estate owners to work on their plantations. The exploitation happens in the garb of a money-lending system that leads to the workers losing their freedom completely.

Ravi is one such labourer. A Jenu-Kuruba tribal of Nanachchi-Gadde village, he took an advance of Rs 4000 from Kotramadu Ramesh, an estate owner, before joining the workforce. “I worked there for three and a half years on a wage of Rs 85 a day. The owner would make me surrender Rs 50 every day as loan repayment. Yet, more than three years later I was still in debt,” laments Ravi.

But that wasn't the end of his woes. Ramesh sold Ravi to another estate owner (known simply as 'Bellary gate collector') for Rs 4000. To meet his needs, the poor tribal took an advance of Rs 2000 from his new employer and sank deeper into debt. Says Ravi: “He too would deduct money from my daily wages. I never asked how much my wage was and how much was being deducted, nor did he ever explain.”

Ravi's debt burden climbed to Rs 7,000 within a year. “That was the amount my previous owner paid 'Bellary gate collector' to buy me back,” states Ravi. “I've no idea how my loan swelled to Rs 7,000.” Ravi is trapped for life in an arrangement he has no control over. He obviously isn't alone. The slave trade is rampant across the 200,000-hectare coffee belt of Coorg.

Coffee cultivation, particularly at the time of harvest, requires huge manpower even when a plantation is as small as one or two acres. With the number of labourers in Coorg villages and tribal hamlets diminishing rapidly, owners have devised devious ways to 'retain' workers.

Coffee estate owners dole out some money – usually in multiples of Rs 1,000 – when they hire a worker. This loan doesn't get repaid despite decades of hard labour and wage deductions. Much worse, in many cases it swells to as much as Rs 30,000, which is completely beyond the means of the toiling tribals. So the workers are doomed to work in the coffee estates until death sets them free. They are transferred back and forth between the coffee estate for a fee. It is the employer who gets the money. The hapless tribal labourer's 'workplace' changes, his fate doesn't.

Appanna's saga of slavery is just as bad. “My wife and I work in Kallichanda Vishnu Karyappa’s estate. I had taken Rs 8000 as advance while joining. We've been toiling here for over two years but the loan burden refuses to go away,” he says.

Before the couple came to Karyappa's estate, they worked for nearly eight years in Bachikanda Annayyandan’s plantations. When he expressed a desire to quit, Annayyandan told Appanna that the latter owed him Rs. 5000. “It was a lie. I was paid Rs 60 as daily wages and the owner would cut Rs 100 to Rs 150 a week. Eight years on, he claimed I still owed him Rs 5000,” says Appanna. Karyappa then paid Annayyandan Rs 5000 and bought Appanna and his wife, residents of Kodange village. “I now receive Rs 100 as daily wages,” says the tribal worker. Most coffee estate workers are tribals living around Nagarhole reserve forest. They have similar stories to share. Thrown out of the forest, they are compelled to work for the coffee growers.

The population of Thithimathi area, made up of 36 hamlets, is around 46,000. Nearly everyone here works in a coffee estate and is trapped in the cycle of exploitation. Nobody dares ask for details of wages, debt and deductions. If anybody ups and quit his job, the debt automatically increases. The coffee estate owners systematically exploit the fear that stalks the workers as well as the disunity in their ranks.

“My wife and I work for Kalichanda Dileep Sommanna for the last three years. He bought us by repaying my ‘debt’ of Rs 7000 to my earlier owner, Tadiyangada Hari. Here in this estate, he has been deducting Rs 100-150 every week and yet the loan has now swelled to Rs 15,000. Yes, I did borrow some money for household expenses, but the amounts were always meagre. Now nobody is ready to hire me as the loan burden on me is too big. There's no escape,” Ganapathy tells us.

When TSI visited the area, many such ‘slaves’ encircled us, desperate to articulate their miserable tale. Shivaji, Kempa, Boja, Kalpana, Bojappa – each one of them was is a victim of this pernicious system.

“This is nothing but bonded labour. That a practice of buying and selling workers continues in the 21st century is a shame,” says Somanna, a lecturer who has had to bear the wrath of the Kodava coffee estate owners for taking up the workers' cause.

The exploitation of coffee estate workers is also rampant in the estates of Chikmagalur, Shimoga and other mountainous districts. As the oppression mounts, the resistance is gathering momentum.

BS Surya Prakash, president, Coorg Coffee, says:“If a system equivalent to slavery still exists in Coorg, it is shameful and condemnable. I came to know about this only after you told me now. Since I am in the Bangalore factory, I really don’t know what kind of relationship is maintained between workers and the estate owners. It is true that coffee harvesting requires more manpower and estate owners compete among themselves and use various methods to bind the workers.”

Retired Justice V.S. Malimat says: “Legal action can be taken on those who practice bonded labour under Bonded Labour Abolition Act. No owner can force any labourer to work under him/her on the pretext of loan, dues or any other previous commitments. All the workers are free to change the owners, irrespective of how much he/she owes his/her owner.”

Budakattu Krishikara Sangh (Tribal Agricultural Labour Association) is closing its ranks to oppose this present-day form of 'slavery'. “Oppression unleashed on the tribals assumes various forms. If the workers protest, false robbery cases are filed against them. The estate owners, who have strong links with politicians and bureaucrats, have even tried to slap false cases on the association. Whistle-blowers in the administration are instantly transferred,” alleges Thimma, secretary of the Tribal Agricultural Labour Association.

The association's interventions are slowly but surely bearing fruit. Appu, a boy who has been working in a coffee plantation since the age of eight, was repeatedly refused permission to go home for a break. The association filed a case against the owner to secure Appu's release. However, the young boy hasn't received a single penny as wages from the owner.

Some owners, however, do oppose the system. “Yes, exploitation does take place,” says Kotrangada Subrahmani, an estate owner. "However, in our estate we provide facilities like provident fund and medical allowance to workers.” But this is obviously an exception.

For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles.
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Management Guru Arindam Chaudhuri Dean Business School IIPM
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IIPM: What is E-PAT?

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Wednesday, November 02, 2011

Duty-free shops in India do not accept Indian currency

IIPM: What is E-PAT?

INR not accepted!

Last year, India introduced a symbol for the Indian National Rupee (INR) amidst a lot of criticism and praise. Not only did the new symbol give our currency a new meaning and essence but also added it to the series of globally recognised currencies. INR today shares space with currencies like dollar, pound, yen, euro etc. For a country like India, especially when it’s trying to make its mark on global forums, such currency design initiatives not only add intrinsic value to the currency but also make it globally recognised and help it to be at par with the world's leading currencies.

There seems to be an aura of celebration and pride whenever our currency becomes stronger vis-à-vis dollar or euro. However, such celebration and pomp end as soon as one enters India's internaitonal aiports. Duty free outlets, especially at departure terminals, in almost all countries accept dollars, euros and the resepective country's national currency. Additionally, duty free shops also mention the price of products/commodities in the world's leading currencies along with their national currency. Surprisingly, this is not true in case of Indian duty-free outlets at our international departure terminals. Indian duty-free outlets at any international departure terminal in India do not accept INR, nor do they mention prices of commodities/products being sold, in INR.

This not only insults INR, which is trying hard to come at par with the global currencies, but also decreases the very essence of our own currency. Imagine the plight of a tourist who is left with some INR and would like to shop at these duty-free outlets. He/she would have to get his/her INR converted into dollars (pay a commission/tax for conversion) in order to buy products at the outlets. Indian duty free shops should not only mention the prices in INR but also accept it. The Indian government should also force these outlets in Indian departure terminals to promote INR. Our government should also have talks with various other nations where the Indian rupee is still not accepted and have proactive quid pro quo arrangements with such nations.

With the opening up of T3 at IGI, Indian airports have entered the league of the best airports of the world. And with India being talked about in various global forums, it is expected that our international airports are seen as an advertisement for what India has to offer. To that extent, let's hope that we absolve ourselves of useless inferiority complexes as those that exist now.

For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles.
IIPM ranks No 1 in International Exposure in the 'Third Mail Today B-School Survey'
Management Guru Arindam Chaudhuri Dean Business School IIPM
IIPM Excom Prof Rajita Chaudhuri
Kapil Sibal’s voters want Jan Lokpal, not Government-proposed Lokpal Bill

"Thorns to Competition" amongst the top 10 best sellers of the week.
IIPM RANKED NO.1 in MAIL TODAY B-SCHOOL RANKINGS
'Thorns to Competition' - You can order your copy online from here
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1761-Third Battle Of Panipat: How History Haunts

IIPM: What is E-PAT?

250 years on, the catastrophic Military Defeat stalks and stokes Maratha Pride & Prejudice...

Here we are, two journalists who belong to Maharashtra, thundering in a classic North Indian taxi towards the Grand Trunk Road. Before we can pause for breath or curse the driver for his love for the Formula 1 circuit, we reach Panipat at about eight in the morning - an electrifying and frightening 100 km drive from Delhi. We confront a sea of saffron flags and are assailed by the kind of sound that we are familiar as a slogan back home in Maharashtra. Scores of jeeps have loudspeakers that are loudly proclaiming "Chattrapati Shivaji Maharaj ki Jai!" We almost feel as if this is not Haryana but a town in Maharashtra where invoking Shivaji is a labour of passion, a strange war cry that makes us feel proud.

We haven't travelled through 100 kilometres of fog with a suicidal driver to Panipat on a whim. It is January 14, 2011. Exactly 250 years ago, these verdant fields, now surrounded by markets peddling mobile phones and underwear, were the arena for what many think to be the greatest battle and war fought over a single day. Sure we know our history though we don't claim to be experts. We know that 250 years ago, the then Maratha Empire gathered in Panipat to oppose and try to stop a marauder called Ahmed Shah Abdali from piercing the innards of 'Hindustan' to be able to pillage and rape Delhi once again as many invaders had done in history. We also know that the Marathas lost that battle (many in our office call it a decisive war) and Indians were never again ruled by Indians till 1947.

We were quite amazed by the number of people who were there to commemorate the battle. Many had come from our home state Maharashtra and spoke fluent Marathi. There was the usual procession of political leaders who gave the usual speeches about Maratha pride. Frankly, we were bored. And we started to wonder if this was yet another show that preferred to find security and identity in past glory that has perhaps disappeared forever.

But what intrigued us was the presence of thousands of (pardon our saying so) Jat-looking types who were scattered and crowded all over the commemoration venue. We gathered the requisite courage to ask a person sitting in the audience about his well being. His first response was that his name was Kalinand Ramanand Bhadwade. More intriguing for us was his reply in pure Haryanvi that he was a 'Road' Maratha. Of course, he had absolutely no clue about Marathi as a language but insisted that he and his family members always said, ''Jai Shivaji Maharaj'' whenever their children caught a fit of sneezing. We met hundreds of such people who claimed to be Road Marathas. Not a single one could speak Marathi. But they all insisted that they were descendants of brave Maratha warriors who never returned home after their crushing defeat in the Third Battle of Panipat. Most concur that those brave warriors of 250 years ago who survived the carnage of 1761 were too ashamed to go back to Maharashtra (It did not exist as a modern state till 1960). Most also claim mystical bonding with Shivaji, the Maratha warrior who also triggered and inspired political aspirations in native Indians.

Just in case you had forgotten your history lessons, here is what happened at the Third Battle of Panipat. Well before 1761, the Marathas had effective control of Delhi, allowing a nominal Mughal ruler to wear the crown of Hindustan. So when the most dominat political and military force of India of the time, the Maratha Empire, realised that an invader called Ahmed Shah Abdali was marching towards Delhi, they did not hesitate to go forth and protect both Hindustan and their new-found political and military authority. Says Vishwas Patil, a senior bureaucrat who has just recently written the preface for the 31st edition of a fictional work on Panipat that he wrote way back in 1988: "People accuse me of pandering to an elite of Pune when I wrote the book on Panipat. It is totally wrong. In those days, Mumbai was not an important city and Pune was the centre of the Maratha Empire. But Pune had a total population of about 20,000 people at that time. So how did more than 1.5 lakh warriors gather in Maharasthra to leave for Panipat? Caste was irrelevant then." There are many historical accounts of what actually happened at Panipat on January 14, 1761. But the fact remains that Ahmed Shah Abdali won, the Maratha Empire suffered a paralysing defeat and Delhi was once again laid bare for foreign invaders to pillage and rape. Of course, we all know how this opened the doors for the British to gradually capture political and military control of India.

When we were kids, we hadn't heard anything much about the Road Marathas. So we followed a leader named Veerendra Verma to his village. He is the man who has led a political movement to claim legitimacy for the Road Marathas and persuade the rest of India and the world into believing that they were the descendants of a valorous army of Maratha warriors who laid down their lives to defend their motherland. We had a wonderful meeting with Mr Verma who virtually convinced us that the Road Marathas were actual descendants of the survivors of 1761. He pointed out many uncanny similarities between the words, gestures, mannerisms and marriage rituals of the Road Marathas and people who actually live in Maharashtra. We couldn't find a satisfactory answer as to why he was - in a manner - digging up ghosts of the past. Of course, we realised later that our host was also a Bahujan Samaj Party candidate for the Lok Sabha elections of 2009. He lost. We also found out that the government - we really don't know at what level - has accepted the claims of these people to be Maratha descendants. The people we interacted with during the January 14 ceremony to commemorate the 250th anniversary of the Third Battle of Panipat told us with a smile - and perhaps a smirk - that 200 from their community had got jobs as soldiers in the Maratha Regiment. We felt nice, though not elated, proud or celebratory.

The good feelings and the nostalgia being exchanged, we thought we could ask the Road Marathas about their opinion on Marathi leaders who came for the function. We asked them about BJP leader Gopinath Munde who was the chief guest at one of the functions. They had absolutely no clue who he was. We asked them about Uddhav and Raj Thackeray. Either they had absolutely no idea or they did a masterful job of acting in front of us. Nor was anybody willing to talk about the purpose behind gathering so many people from Maharashtra for an event that happened so long ago. But having been born and brought in Maharshtra, we are well aware of the wave of 'Maratha' sentiment that sweeps across the state today. For example, both of us remember a trip to Pune where we were tutored and coached by a member of the Sambhaji Brigade to realise that people like Gopal Krishna Gokhale and Bal Gangadhar Tilak were enemies of the 'Maratha nation'. In Pune, we have also witnessed sessions where the mother of Shivaji is revered as a deity while his historical Brahmin advisor Dadoji Konddev is someone today's Marathas would prefer to forget. As journalists, we are well aware of the caste equations that dominate the political landscape of Maharshtra today. But what surprised us was how the new caste equations and battles have spilled over even to the so-called 'Punya Bhumi' called Panipat.

When we came back, our colleagues in the office both teased and asked us: "So do you feel more proud to be a Maharashtrian today?" Without a moment of hesitation, both of us asserted that we were and would always be proud of our Maratha heritage. Some asked us why the name of Maratha general Sadashivrao Bhau, killed in Panipat, is no longer taken by the current custodians of Marathi culture and pride. We thought for a bit and said perhaps he was as much a victim of caste politics as Mahatma Gandhi was for the Bahujan Samaj Party and K. Kamaraja was for the DMK in Tamil Nadu. More questions followed and we answered them effortlessly. After all, how difficult is it in India to proclaim that you love your language, region and religion even as you love India? We discussed for hours about 'What If' scenarios where the Marathas would not lose the 1761 war and Marathas and the British together would controll the Indian sub-continent. There were many jokes about the fusion of British and Marathi cuisines.

But there was one question from a junior reporter we simply failed to answer. He asked: "In 1761, you guys travelled more than 2000 kilometres to save India from invaders. Today, your Uddhav and Raj Thackeray order their cadres to attack non-Marathi citizens of India who they think have invaded Maharashtra. Is that the Martha vision today?"

Of course, we didn't get into an argument. What would be the point? We knew that the so-called mainstream media had chosen to ignore many genuine grievances of the people from Maharashtra.

At the back of our head, we also know that today's Maharashtra does not have a single political leader who has the courage to really fight both for India and Maratha pride. We almost said, ''Jai Hind'' and ''Jai Maharashtra'' before leaving the boisterous discussion. We did neither. We just smiled and left.

'It's Punya Path'

Senior bureaucrat Vishwas Patil, better better known in Maharashtra for authoring quite a few best-selling novels, spoke to Devdas Matale on the 250th anniversary of the 3rd Battle of Panipat.

I begin the rendezvous by asking him, “Panipat is a battle we lost. So, what made you write a novel on that?”

Patil smiles and says, “I read The New History of Marathas by Govind Sakharam Sardesai which had a chapter on the Battle of Panipat. After reading that, I was struck by what Panipat actually was. It was not merely a ‘lost battle’. There was much more to it. It is a major turning point in the history of the Marathas and Maharashtra. My mind started working on the subject almost immediately and I also started gathering relevant materials on the same. This was in 1984. And by the end of 1988, Panipat, the novel, was published.”

The 30th edition of Panipat has been specially published on the occasion of the 250th anniversary of the battle ie on January 14, 2011. And due to overwhelming demand, the publisher has already geared up for the next edition. In the preface titled Vasaa Panipatacha (Legacy of Panipat) to the latest edition, Patil writes that the northen kingdoms did not help the Marathas in the war. When asked to elaborate on this, Patil says, ‘The Marathas were highly capable and strong. The northern Hindu Kings were aware of this. They feared that if the Marathas won this battle, it would be difficult to keep the Marathas limited to the South. That was the sole reason they refrained from coming forward to help the Marathas.”

I try to poke him by asking if the tradition of non-cooperation with the Marathas continues till date. But he proves a tough nut to crack. “I can not comment on contemporary leaders as I have not studied them thoroughly. But the leaders of the past were true visionaries and looked ahead in time,” are his exact words.

After writing Panipat, Patil faced scathing criticism and comments such as ‘Did you write the novel to make heroes out of the Punekars?’ Patil is dismissive: “One can’t help it. A few people are bound to think that way. These narrow-minded people do not know that this battle was not fought by warriors of any one particular caste or community. The entire length and breadth of Maharashtra had come together.

In that period, Mumbai was not a big city. Pune was. But even then, Pune’s total population was not more than 20,000. But the army that left for Panipat consisted of 1.5 lakh soldiers. Entire Maharashtra came together to fight. Brave soldiers from all castes and communities left their homes for this battle. The invading enemy Ahmed Shah Abdali had crossed about five or six kingdoms till then. Nobody had dared stop him. But the Marathas went all the way to Panipat to stop him. The Marathas were courageous, brave and die-hard warriors. The current generation should try to emulate this psyche of our ancestors. Panipat was not a lost battle, it is a Punya Path… a holy road that leads to higher levels of achievement.”

But nowadays, everyone seems to be dividing people on the basis of caste, community or language. What does Patil think about this? Patil is once again evasive. He says, “No comments.”

What about the current trend of challenging history, over-insistence on changing historical facts? Patil says, “Such changes do not last. No one can change history or a make a mockery of it. Historical truth always comes to the fore. So we need not worry about it.”

I round up our discussion by asking him which identity gives him more satisfaction, that of a bureaucrat or that of a writer.

Patil says, “It does not matter what I like. People think of me more as a writer. They refer to me as ‘Panipat-kar.’ Of course, I try to do equal justice to my role as a bureaucrat as well. I never let my writing affect my job.”

The Legacy of Panipat

I don't quite know what terrific connection my breath and blood have with the word 'Panipat', but at the young age of 25, I had set off to collect basic material for the novel on this subject. And by the time I was 28, the final draft of the novel was ready, all of it written by me with great passion!

I must share with you an incident that comes to my mind regarding Panipat. Former defence minister of the country, Yashwantrao Chavan, happened to pass through the town of Panipat once on his way from Punjab to Delhi. He stopped there and went straight to 'Kaala Aam', the place where the historic battle of Panipat was fought. The memorial of Maratha warriors stood there in one of the farms. It was a rough structure in black stone. Yashwantraoji sat down in front of the memorial and picked up a handful of the soil. A poet at heart, he could not control his emotions and tears rolled down his cheeks.

After letting his heart out, Yashwantraoji said to those around him, “Friends, this is the holy land. This is the place where about a lakh Maratha warriors demonstrated how to fight the enemy when the country is invaded. Each of the families in Maharashtra has lost at least a brave man here. This soil has turned holy with their blood.”

Kurukshetra stands just a few miles from Panipat. The third battle of Panipat between Ahmedshah Abdali and the Marathas was fought on Wednesday, January 14, 1761. There is no other example of such a fierce battle in that period where within just eight hours, 1.5 lakh people and 80 thousand animals from both the sides were killed. Even the two American nuclear bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki took a few days to claim as many lives.

The Marathas had left for Panipat on a mission on the basis of the “Ahmedia Agreement” of 1752 for the defence of the Emperor of Delhi, which meant the defence of Hindustan then. People asked if I was writing ‘Panipat’ to eulogise the Punekars. I told them that I had neither Punekars nor Satarkars in my plan of things. Much in the same way as all kinds of people gather together in Pandharpur for Ashaadhi-Kartiki, the whole of Marathi region stood united on the grounds of Panipat to fight with the enemy.

When the entire population of Pune was not even 22,000, a lakh of brave Marathas geared themselves up for the war at Panipat. It had about seven-eight Brahmin Sardars including Bhausaheb and Vishwasrao and about 60-70 front runner Sardars from not only the Maratha community but also from all the castes of Bahujan Samaj. Panipat was a battle fought by young men. The enemy, Ahmad Shah Abdali, was all of 32 then. Bhausaheb was 28, Dattaji Shinde 22, Vishwasrao and Janakoji Shinde were mere teenagers at 17. None of the country’s rivers had any bridges then— there were no roads or means of transport. Imagine what a task it must have been to walk with 60,000 horses and lakhs of soldiers!

We fought the battle for the dignity of Hindustan, but unfortunately the kings of the north did not help the Marathas. The Rajput kings of Rajasthan hid themselves into sand. A few days before this battle, Govindpant Bundele was killed. Govindpant had till then seen to it that we received the money and grocery via the Ganges and Yamuna. With Govindpant’s demise the problem began. Yet, Bhausaheb stood firm. But Nanasaheb Peshwa did not abide by his duties. Nothing was received from Pune.

Alasingh Jat of Patiala was sending the supplies but later on those supplies too reduced. In the end, the Maratha army had to survive by eating tree leaves and shaadu soil on the banks of the river. But fight they did till the end. And how? We do not need any other witnesses as our enemy Ahmed Shah Abdali. He writes: “The southies (Marathas) had established a strong foothold on Panipat. On the day of the battle they attacked us again and again with a die-hard attitude. Had our great worriers Rustum and Isfindar witnessed this inimitable bravery of the Marathas, they would have been astonished.”

Unravelling the Maratha psyche Imtiaz Ahmad

Wars damage both victors and vanquished. For the vanquished, the damage is far greater. It leaves bitter memories and assails the sense of pride. This happens more often when they have already nursed a sense of invincibility and pride. The Marathas, and Maharashtrians in general, eloquently illustrate this.

Shivaji’s rise was a military feat. At the same time, it infused a sense of invincibility and pride among the Marathas. Shivaji’s escape from the clutches of the Mughal ruler Aurangzeb bolstered up these sensibilities. However, the defeat of the Marathas at the hand of Ahmad Shah Abdali in the Third Battle of Panipat virtually killed the Maratha prospects of advance towards North India. Since then, the Marathas have lived uncomfortably with a sense of assailed pride and defeat.

Shivaji was like so many regional rulers who aspired to free themselves from Mughal rule and create an independent kingdom of their own. However, Shivaji remains unique in that he infused this political ambition into a popular aspiration. He gave the common Maharashtrian a feeling of pride.

The Third Battle of Panipat was in this sense the last straw that virtually crushed this strong Maratha nationalism. Seen as a military or political event, it was a common everyday event in those times when rulers engaged in internecine warfare to establish their supremacy. Seen as a psychological turning point, it crushed Maratha hope and aspiration to dominate over the country. Maratha pride was crushed at Panipat but it did not completely die out. It resurfaces time and again at the slightest promise of success. One has to only look at the drama surrounding the shift of Y. B. Chavan from Maharashtra to Delhi to appreciate this bitter fact. Brandishing a sword, symbolic of that of Shivaji, he moved to Delhi as if it was a recapture. The critical point in this drama is that the Maratha sense of pride and invincibility, assailed by their defeat at Panipat, suddenly surfaced again.

Maharashtra is a state within India but its name itself demonstrates its legacy of a past when the prospect of dominating India kindled strongly in the Maratha mind and personality. Literally, Mahar-ashtra means the nation of the Marathas. Unlike other states of India, Maharashtra is unique in incorporating its sense of pride as a nation inscribed in its name.

One way to appreciate and understand the consequences of the Panipat defeat on the Maharashtrian mind and psyche would be to recognise the duality that has since become a feature of their existence as a people. On one hand, they carry a strong sense of pride and a hope of domination. On the other, they also carry a strong sense of being overwhelmed and besieged. This has bound their psyche into a psychological cage. This uncomfortable situation is pathetic but it has been a part of Maratha personality which they have not been able to grow out of.

This, to a considerable extent, explains contemporary Maharashtrian politics. From Bal Thackeray to Raj Thackeray, the running theme of regional Maharashtrian politics has been a feeling of being in a siege; being overwhelmed by others who have, since the establishment of British rule, moved into the thriving metropolis of Mumbai. At first, this sense of siege was directed against South Indians. More recently, it has been directed against poor migrants from UP and Bihar. Most migrants have moved in to fill the jobs which the common Maharashtrians are unwilling to take up. However, this has not deterred the Thackerays from directing their ire against them.

The other feature of the Maharashtrian personality is a sense of pride which was assailed by the defeat at Panipat but not entirely put down. Thus, when Raj Thackeray gives a call that Marathi should be the lingua franca within Maharashtra or that all those who have come to live in Maharashtra should communicate in Marathi, he is merely harping on the theme of Maratha pride. For him, as for a common Maharashtrian, the dream of political domination outside Maharashtra may not be realisable in the present but at least the assertion of pride in the region’s greatness must be protected and promoted. Historical experience of a people has a unique role in shaping their psyche and personality. As the Maratha case so eloquently explains, the peculiar combination of a historical defeat and undying sense of pride continues to shape contemporary life and developments.

For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles.
IIPM ranks No 1 in International Exposure in the 'Third Mail Today B-School Survey'
Management Guru Arindam Chaudhuri Dean Business School IIPM
IIPM Excom Prof Rajita Chaudhuri
Kapil Sibal’s voters want Jan Lokpal, not Government-proposed Lokpal Bill

"Thorns to Competition" amongst the top 10 best sellers of the week.
IIPM RANKED NO.1 in MAIL TODAY B-SCHOOL RANKINGS
'Thorns to Competition' - You can order your copy online from here
IIPM Mumbai Campus